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In his bestselling work of “comic sociology,” David Brooks coins a new word, Bobo, to describe today’s upper class—those who have wed the bourgeois world of capitalist enterprise to the hippie values of the bohemian counterculture. Their hybrid lifestyle is the atmosphere we breathe, and in this witty and serious look at the cultural consequences of the information age, Brooks has defined a new generation.

Do you believe that spending $15,000 on a media center is vulgar, but that spending $15,000 on a slate shower sta

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Book ID Asin: 0684853787
Book Title: Bobos In Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There
Book Author: David Brooks
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Book Format Price: $7.80-$16.70
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Book Price: $11.99
Book Category: Books, Politics & Social Sciences, Social Sciences and unknown
Book Rating: 349 ratings

Bobos In Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There by David Brooks Book Review

Name: Michael S. Swisher
Rating: 4.0 out of 5 stars
Title: Victors in the Culture War (?)
Date: Reviewed in the United States on June 14, 2002
Review: David Brooks does not know whether he wants to imitate Lucius Beebe's "The Big Spenders" or Vilfredo Pareto's "The Rise and Fall of Elites." "Bobos in Paradise," billed as "comic sociology," is neither as funny as Beebe, nor as sociologically acute as Pareto. Still, it contains a few striking aperçus.
Brooks tells us that the cultural warfare of the 'sixties has ended. The stodgy old bourgeoisie, with its clubs, cotillions, and suburban respectability, has been replaced by a new élite deriving its status from brains (or at least formal educational credentials) rather than bloodlines and inherited money. This new élite exhibits superficially "bohemian" manners and mores (if not morals), but not bohemian disdain for money and commerce. These people he describes as "bourgeois bohemians," or BoBos, for short. Their tastes run to slate-tiled shower stalls and trendy coffee shops rather than to gold plumbing fixtures and white-tablecloth lobster palaces à la Delmonico. Brooks's descriptions of "latte towns," filled with shops offering "jars of powdered fo-ti root, Mayan Fungus Soup... hand-painted TV armoires, fat smelly candles, a Provençal spaghetti strainer..." are not quite as entertaining as Beebe chronicling the gilded-age opulence of August Belmont and Evander Berry Wall or the inspired fatuities of Mrs. Stuyvesant Fish, but are amusing and well-targeted.
Where Brooks falls short is in claiming to discern a Pareto-style succession of élites. The old bourgeoisie has indeed been supplanted - long ago. James Burnham told how it happened in "The Managerial Revolution," published in 1941. The old bourgeoisie was local. It existed in every small town; at its bottom end were mom-and-pop shopkeepers, at its top the mill owner, the banker, maybe the newspaper publisher, and somewhere in between lay the "professional men" (physicians, lawyers, clergymen) who had some sort of academic education. This same structure existed in big cities on a grander scale. The advent of the publicly-traded corporation brought about the end of the family firm at this level. It created "market capitalization," whereby a firm was valued at the trading value of its shares, rather than at the net worth indicated on its balance sheet. This made many owners very rich. It also gave them liquidity, freeing them to diversify holdings and obtain income from sources other than the earnings of family businesses. Increasingly, the management of those businesses became the province of hired managers with the necessary skills, rather than that of owners who no longer needed to know how to manage their businesses. Divorce of ownership from control created a new élite, those who managed and controlled.
This transition was at first masked by graceful absorption of the new élite into the old bourgeois society. As the natural wasting of inheritances by division amongst heirs was accelerated through estate taxation (introduced around the time of World War I), many old families that neglected to cultivate managerial skills declined and disappeared, while new men rose to prominence. The disappearance by the 1960s of the duPont name from the management of E.I. duPont de Nemours & Co., and the appointment of a man named Shapiro to its chief executive post, may not been as widely noted as the noisy street theater of the period, but it was a far more significant indication of the social and economic change that had been taking place steadily for several decades.
The BoBos Brooks describes are only the most recent beneficiaries of this change. Departures from previous fashions in conspicuous consumption are mainly superficial. Altered attitudes towards religion and towards public service are not - there has been real and alarming change here. Brooks is more optimistic than he should be.
Cropping up throughout the book, as well as in a chapter devoted to the subject, is the spiritual void left by abandonment of the old certitudes. Unsatisfied religious instincts often manifest themselves in devotion to quasi-religious causes such as environmentalism, third-world debt relief, animal rights, etc. There is a desire for the comforting forms and rituals of traditional religion, but not its constricting, old-fashioned views on personal conduct, particularly those involving sex.
Brooks briefly notes the public-service ethic of the old American patriciate. Young men of the class of George H.W. Bush volunteered without a second thought for World War II. The debâcle of Vietnam put an end to this. Middle- and upper middle-class youth of the 1960s may have protested that war loudly, but did so even then from the safety of their college deferments. Since that time the uniformed services have been snubbed by the class that provides the country's civilian leadership. If the country were again to face a crisis having the proportions of World War II, how long would the public accept the leadership of a civilian élite unwilling to go into harm's way along with hoi polloi? Previous élites have understood that sacrifice was necessary to the maintainance of élite status. For more than forty years this has been untrue of the managerial élite, and never less so than with the ascendancy of the BoBos. Bill and Hillary Clinton (quintessential BoBos) made no secret of their disdain for the military, which the military repaid in kind. If, as seems to be the case, America must take on the imperial tasks of a world hegemon, this is an important concern. Maybe the remedy is to reinstate the purchase of military commissions. The carriage trade has known for years how to create value by hanging a high price tag on its merchandise. BoBos who go in for "adventure vacations" in malarial rainforests might be ideal customers.

Name: Pseudo D
Rating: 4.0 out of 5 stars
Title: Almost heaven?
Date: Reviewed in the United States on September 7, 2018
Review: David Brooks is almost a self-caricature of the public intellectual, and he seems to oscillate between an ironic self-
awareness of this and the lack thereof. This was epitomized in the sandwich controversy last year, which briefly
interrupted everybody's arguing about Trump and allowed all sides to dump on Brooks. He brought a young
lady friend to an Italian sandwich deli and realized that she wasn't familiar with some of the names and might
be self-conscious about it and uncomfortable, so he wrote a column and told the whole world in the New York
Times. The internet went nuts! The left couldn't stand him because he's a conservative elitist, and many on the
right these days can't stand him because he's a conservative elitist. This episode shows how the book, written
at the turn of the millenium, has become outdated.

Brooks was allied with Bill Kristol and John Podhoretz, but he's actually more like their fathers and mothers,
the original neocons, with not just foreign policy but a heavy emphasis on culture, and he does discuss the
previous generation in this book. Brooks is liberal on gay marriage and similar issues, but also has a desire
for community similar to his fellow Times columnist Ross Douthat, as outlined in the chapter on religion
and community and his recent book on character. Bobos in Paradise is a work of informal sociology that
goes with the insights of Charles Murray, whose Bell Curve is mentioned but whose more important work
may be the later Coming Apart, as well as liberal communitarians like Robert Putnam in Bowling Alone.

Brooks works in a heck of a lot of his fellow public intellectuals. There's a joke about Francis Fukuyama's
End of History being "wrong" because history didn't end. But in fact Fukuyama's book really is widely
seen to have been wrong, because liberal democracy has not triumphed the way that he observed. Russia,
China, the US and various parts of Europe are going for nationalism and populism. Fukuyama is now writing
on identity politics, which is a function of the crackup of his post Cold War order. Bobos in Paradise also
has turned out to be outdated. Bill Clinton's centrism on the budget and welfare reform, crime, school
uniforms and v chips, and George W. Bush's compassionate conservatism as more than just getting government
off our backs, are signs of the Bobo consensus, combining 60s bohemianism with the 80s bourgeois values.

But it hasn't turned out that way. Obama's liberalism undid Clinton's centrism as the focus of the Democratic
Party, and even before that there was 2004 with Dean, Kucinich and Sharpton, as the Dems went nuts after
Iraq. I was reading this book the day of John McCain's funeral, and both Democratic candidates, Al Gore and
Bill Bradley, and the top two Republicans, George W. Bush and McCain, were identified by Brooks as Bobos.
Who's not accepted by Bobos as their representative? The first name was Donald Trump, and then for different
reasons Pat Robertson. Bobos can spend money, but it has to be for a serious and useful purpose, and Trump was
lavish for exactly the opposite reasons.

Being from Plattsburgh area, I found the description of Burlington as the new Berkeley to be absolutely hilarious,
with all the freaks on the Church Street marketplace and the serious Bobos eating it up. But the most important
epitome of the Burlington mentality is Bernie Sanders, who in important ways has gone nationwide and just like
Trump, reflects the breakup of the Bobo consensus.